古巴海运

天津港到天津港到 Havana (La Habana), Cuba 哈瓦那,古巴集装箱货柜海运集装箱海运

2021/6/29 18:00:01

目的港:Havana Cuba 哈瓦那 古巴

中国天津(天津港)到 Havana Cuba 哈瓦那 古巴 海运需要多少钱?

20尺货柜 40尺运费 40尺高箱

USD 1025 / 20GP

USD 1950 / 40GP

USD 2050 / 40HQ

20GP*1 40GP*18 40HQ*0 - 已放舱
20GP*1 40GP*0 40HQ*1 - 待放舱
20GP*0 40GP*18 40HQ*0 - 待确认

天津港到天津港到 Havana (La Habana), Cuba 哈瓦那,古巴集装箱货柜海运集装箱海运

天津港到古巴港口,Havana港口,La Habana港口,古巴首都港口

欢迎来到古巴的马里埃尔,这是一个为希望提供泊位的新港口
劳尔·卡斯特罗总统仍在规划古巴的改革之路,但在哈瓦那和玛丽之间30英里长的海岸线上可以看到改革的方向。
旅程从拉丁美洲革命热情的摇篮首都开始,在一个安静的港口向西结束一个小时左右。
正是在这里,古巴将其经济未来押注于其历史上最大的发展项目之一——一个特别的自由贸易区,旨在吸引外国投资,更有希望获得美国的支持,拥有现代化的设施和有利于市场的税收减免。
这两条路之间的直线令人惊讶地经过了零区——菲德尔·卡斯特罗在那里度过最后时光的高度戒备区——和海明威码头,为豪华游艇提供更多的泊位,为每年前来参加年度马林鱼比赛的国际体育渔民提供更好的设施。
路边空无一人。这里几乎没有建筑物,也许是因为这是一个假日,农田里几乎没有农业活动的迹象,直到玛丽尔宣布自己从一个发电厂冒出一股难看的硫磺烟。
旁边矗立着一家水泥厂的筒仓,上面印有古巴国旗和“祖国或死亡”的口号。
马里埃尔准备在古巴的发展中发挥重要作用,在一个前潜艇基地的原址上建造一个新的深水集装箱港和自由贸易区,该项目旨在通过为巨型船只提供该地区最好的设施,利用计划中的巴拿马运河扩建。
“这是革命以来我们承担的最大项目之一。我希望这将有助于结束封锁í位于哈瓦那的拉丁美洲和加勒比经济协会的一个成员。
“美国南部没有这么深的海湾,所以这对他们来说是好事。古巴是通往墨西哥湾的关键。在这个地区没有其他海湾有马里埃尔那么深。我们将把它发展成交通枢纽和仓储中心。”
这项工程正在顺利进行。在建筑工地的入口处有一条新的四车道高速公路,最终将横穿该岛。
目前,它只是穿过成片的芦苇、矮棕榈和野生甘蔗进入主要开发区,在那里,中国卡车满载着砾石和沙子,在推土机清理泥土和灌木时来回穿梭。据报道,该港口项目由奥德布雷希特在巴西的资助下建造。一旦建成,将由新加坡港口运营商PSA International负责运营。
该项目的宣传材料显示,它将类似于那些刺激和开放中国和越南经济的经济特区。与岛上其他地方相比,企业将面临更少的招聘限制,更低的税收负担,并且不需要与当地国营企业建立合资企业。
一位欧洲外交官说:“这是朝着正确方向迈出的一步。”古巴面临的最大挑战之一是商业环境。这不是一个容易操作的地方。但如果玛丽成功,他们将在其他地方建立类似的区域。”
该项目是Rául-Castro的2010年经济现代化计划,旨在通过提高激励和升级基础设施来提高效率和生产力。
国营企业本应裁员100万人,更多机会向私营企业开放。
这一结果在街道上很明显,被称为paladares的家庭经营的餐馆和在客厅里开设的服装店大量增加。
政府为大约200种类型的私营企业颁发了许可证,从园艺到花艺。政府估计有40多万人以这种方式就业。
农民得到了更多的自主权和价格激励来生产更多的粮食。政府放宽了对海外旅行的限制,放宽了棒球运动员的工资上限,承诺废除双币制,并结束了对汽车销售的管制。
伯纳斯说,这些变化构成了一场经济革命:“我们现在正在使一切现代化。你可以看到日常生活和街道上的变化,人们在这里开餐馆和小店……过去一年发生了如此大的爆炸,我们还不能完全量化。”
一些企业家正在推进未经批准的业务。他们认为,这只是时间问题,直到他们得到批准。
在马里尔湾的边缘,坐落着一艘旧船生锈的金属船壳中一个废弃的酒吧。这是一幅凄凉的景象。外面的游泳池充满了浑浊的水,秃鹫在头顶盘旋。
一个新的对象是一个木制台球桌,新鲜雕刻,可爱的抛光和进口贝兹和皮革口袋顶部。
这是一个由年轻人Osvaldo Pejuero制作的原型

Welcome to Mariel, Cuba – the new port giving berth to hope

MARIEL – The road to reform in Cuba is still being mapped out by President Raul Castro, but the direction can be seen on the 30-mile stretch of coast between Havana and Mariel.

The journey starts in the capital, cradle of Latin American revolutionary fervor, and ends an hour or so west in a quiet port.

It is here that Cuba is betting its economic future on one of the biggest development projects in its history – a special free-trade zone that aims to attract foreign investment and, more hopefully, US support, with modern facilities and market-friendly tax breaks.

The surprisingly straight route between the two passes Zone Zero – the high-security district where Fidel Castro is living out his final days – and the Hemingway Marina, which has been upgraded to provide more berths for luxury yachts and better facilities for the international sports fishermen who visit each year for the annual marlin competition.

The roadsides are agreeably empty. There are few buildings and – perhaps because it is a holiday – little sign of agricultural activity in the fields until Mariel announces itself with an ugly plume of sulphurous smoke belching out from a power plant.

Beside it stand the silos of a cement factory, emblazoned with the Cuban flag and the slogan Patria o Muerte (homeland or death).

Mariel is poised to play an important part in Cuba’s development with a new deepwater container port and the free-trade zone built on the site of a former submarine base, a project that aims to exploit the planned expansion of the Panama canal by providing the best facilities in the region for giant vessels.

“This is one of the biggest projects we’ve undertaken since the revolution. I hope it’ll help to end the blockade,” said María Vitoria Bernase of the Havana-based Latin American and Caribbean Economic Association.

“The United States has no bays in the south that are so deep, so this will be good for them. Cuba is the key to the Gulf [of Mexico]. There is no other bay in the region with the depth of Mariel. We will develop it as a transport hub and a warehouse centre.”

The project is well under way. At the entrance of the construction site squats a new four-lane motorway that will eventually cross the island.

For now, it just cuts through tracts of reeds, low palm and wild sugar cane into the main development zone, where Chinese trucks loaded with gravel and sand go back and forth as earthmovers clear earth and shrubs. The port project is reportedly being built by Odebrecht, with Brazilian financing. Once complete it will be run by a Singaporean port operator, PSA International.

Promotional material for the project suggests it will resemble the special economic development zones such as those that galvanized and opened up China’s and Vietnam’s economies. Compared with the rest of the island, firms will face fewer restrictions on hiring, lower tax burdens and no requirement to enter into joint ventures with local state-run firms.

“It’s a step in the right direction,” said a European diplomat. “One of the biggest challenges in Cuba is the business environment. It’s not an easy place to operate. But if Mariel is successful they will create similar zones elsewhere.”

The project is the centerpiece of Rául Castro’s 2010 economic modernization plan, which aims to improve efficiency and raise productivity by boosting incentives and upgrading infrastructure.

State-run industries are supposed to shed 1m jobs, with more opportunities opened up to private business.

The results are apparent on the streets, where family-run restaurants known as paladares have proliferated, along with clothes shops set up in living rooms.

The government has issued licenses for about 200 types of private businesses, from gardening to floristry. The government estimates more than 400,000 people are employed this way.

Farmers have been given more autonomy and price incentives to produce more food. The government has eased overseas travel restrictions, loosened pay ceilings for baseball players, promised to abolish the dual-currency system and ended controls on car sales.

Bernase says the changes constitute an economic revolution: “We’re modernizing everything now. You can see the change in daily life and on the streets, where people are opening restaurants and small shops … There’s been such an explosion in the past year that we haven’t been able to fully quantify it yet.”

Some entrepreneurs are pushing ahead with, as yet, unapproved businesses. It is only a matter of time, they assume, until they get the go-ahead.

On the edge of Mariel bay sits an abandoned bar in the rusting metal hull of an old ship. It is a forlorn sight. The pool outside is full of murky water and vultures circle overhead.

The one new object is a wooden pool table, freshly carved, lovingly polished and topped with imported baize and leather pockets.

It is a prototype made by Osvaldo Pejuero, a young entrepreneur who plans to start a pool table business as soon as the government lifts the ban on a sport long associated with gambling and capitalism.

“I taught myself how to make them,” says Pejuero, who sports a gold watch and necklace. “I’ve sold a few and I’m trying to organize a national pool federation. It still hasn’t been officially approved, but there are more and more tables appearing all the time.”

Pejuero hopes the bar can be renovated in time for an expected rush of business when the first phase of Mariel’s redevelopment is completed next year.

“This place has been steadily run down under bad government management, but in future perhaps it can be taken over by private investors. When things are in government hands they go slowly. When private firms take over, they go fast,” he said.

Among the reasons for change are a sclerotic economy, exacerbated by the US embargo and a fast-ageing society that looks likely to raise the costs of Cuba’s impressive healthcare system, which the government has pledged to maintain. But there are many obstacles to reform, much to the frustration of local businesses.

Alvaro Ramos, a cement plant manager, says his company should be cashing in on the development project because it produces such high-grade concrete that even the US military buys it – via a third party to circumnavigate the embargo – to reinforce its bases in the Middle East.

But he says business is held back by the four state firms with a stake in the factory and the low financial incentives for local staff.

Like many Cubans, he has to take on extra jobs because he cannot get by on his regular salary of less than $30 (£18) a month. One of his bosses – employed with a joint-venture partner – gets paid $12,000.

“There’s not much motivation,” he says. “I don’t expect a big change. I sympathize with those old leaders. They can’t change quickly so everything will take time.”

The state sector is still thought to account for more than 90% of the Cuban economy. Skeptics doubt that the many small steps taken over the past two years will prompt huge long-term change, particularly while Castro talks of “updating” socialism rather than instituting market reforms.

The European diplomat said Havana’s roadmap remained a work in progress: “What is the end goal? Honestly, I don’t think they know.”

What is certain is that there is no turning back. Castro has declared the modernization of the economy “irreversible”.

And while his comments on the evolving hybrid of socialism and capitalism may sometimes seem contradictory, the same was also true of Chinese leaders during the early stages of their country’s opening up.

China’s success was initially driven by a flood of foreign, particularly US, capital. Whether Cuba’s reforms can be as transformative will also depend to a large extent on the outside world.

That is why Mariel could prove important. More than just an infrastructure project, it appears intended as a welcome mat.

At present, US investors are forbidden from stepping in by the economic embargo, although there are faint signs that Washington may be more willing than usual to soften its stance.

Barack Obama has called for a new approach, and the country’s leaders shook hands for the first time in a decade at the memorial service for Nelson Mandela.

It is too early to say whether that will herald a shift in US policy, but one thing is clear: the policy change that could make the biggest difference to Cuba will be decided not in Havana or Mariel, but in Washington.

Mariel’s pivotal role in history

Despite its sleepy appearance Mariel has played a central role in Cuba’s modern history.

As the nearest port to the US, this was for many years the gateway between the two countries with two ferries a day running.

Such was the traffic that US gangster Lucky Luciano was said to be planning a casino on the hill that overlooks the town until his scheme was interrupted by the 1959 revolution.

Three years later, Mariel was where Russian naval vessels docked to unload the nuclear warheads that led to the 1962 Cuban missile crisis.

In 1980, the port was the focus of world attention, lending its name to the Mariel Boatlift – an exodus of 120,000 Cubans to the US.

Havana Cuba 哈瓦那 古巴的经纬度是多少?

Havana Cuba 哈瓦那 古巴的经度是东经/西经:-82.36749

Havana Cuba 哈瓦那 古巴的纬度是南纬/北纬:23.13211


【求助贴】关于古巴哈瓦那港口问题

我是国内的一家外贸企业的业务员,有位古巴的客户和我司成交了一笔单子 ,交易方式为100%不可撤销即期信用证。 2018-11-29 我们通过天津港的迪士海运从天津港发往 古巴 Cuba La Habana 古巴首都 哈瓦那 Havana ,货物是不是已经到目的港了,现在客户来邮件说:提单上必须显示信用证编号否则提不了货拒绝付款,货值3846900USD;古巴海关规定 到港后21天无人提货将进入海关监管进行公开拍卖。现求助各位在古巴的华人了解下哈瓦那海关是否有这项规定:提单中没有信用证编号不予放货。如没有这项规定我司方便及时找迪士海运做退运处理减少损失,请各位同胞帮下忙。

起运港是天津新港 (XINGANG, CHINA), 目的港是 古巴 Cuba La Habana 古巴首都 哈瓦那 Havana 

海运费为什么会如此疯狂涨价

产业链失衡的多米诺骨牌早已倒下,这场海运风暴需要全产业链共同突围。

新年伊始,新一轮运费上涨又牵动众多外贸企业的心弦。

根据1月8日波罗的海每日运价指数,亚洲至美西、美东运价环比上周上涨1.5%、8.5%至4263美元/FEU、5862美元/FEU,美线运价去年9月中旬横盘至年底后本月持续上涨;亚洲至欧洲、地中海运价环比上涨10.6%、4.0%至7731美元/FEU、7383美元/FEU。上海国际航运研究中心发布的2020年第四季度中国航运景气报告指出,91.67%的集装箱运输企业表示缺箱问题将持续三个月及以上。供需错配持续推涨运价,上周8家主要的跨太平洋东行集装箱航运公司表示将自2021年2月1日起上调综合费率上涨附加费1000美元。

中国引领全球海运燃料市场全速“低硫化”

2020年突如其来的新冠肺炎疫情,给全球海运市场带来严重冲击,海运需求锐减、船期大量延误、舱位难以保证、运价持续上涨等负面影响纷至沓来。值得欣慰的是,进入2021年,亚洲地区海运市场率先复苏,低硫燃油需求持续上扬,并有望在第二季度恢复至疫情前水平。此外,高硫燃油市场受到2020年1月正式实施的国际海事组织“限硫令”的影响而大幅收紧。业界预计,2021年全球海运燃料市场将延续“低硫强、高硫弱”的格局。

天津港到天津港到 Havana (La Habana), Cuba 哈瓦那,古巴集装箱货柜海运集装箱业务。

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